Tuesday, October 23, 2012

Women’s Mobilization in Venezuela: A Historical View

Women in Venezuela have historically organized around their gender identity working together to put pressure on the state in order to have their demands met. Today women are mobilizing around issues related to improvements in economic status, increased women representatives in leadership positions, reproductive and sexual rights, and domestic violence. (Friedman, 2009) The most effective times of mobilization came in the late 1950s, 1970s, and early 1990s and today in which women were able to mobilize in large masses and put pressure on the state causing legislative changes. In each period, the state’s actions shaped the way women mobilized, especially in regards to the state’s transition from dictatorship to democracy to socialism.



In 1958, there was significant cross-party and cross-economic organizing among women since they had a common interest of ending the dictatorship of Jimenez. (Friedman, 1998, 100) The new political leadership during the period of transition to democracy included women by either adopting them into traditional gender roles of the political parties or inclusion by male association only. During the transition phase towards democracy in the 1960s women demobilized due to partisan rivalry. (Friedman, 1998, 126)

In the 1970s women mobilized around legal reforms, the need for women’s state agencies, and the democratization of the home. (Rakowski, 2003, 392) It was during this time period that women were successful in mobilizing for the first national women’s agency, the Presidential Women’s Advisory Commission (COFEAPRE). (Rakowski, 2003a) One of the biggest demands of women in the 1970s was the reform of the Civil Code. The Civil Code was an important feat because prior to the reform children were labeled as illegitimate if their parents were not married and were thus granted fewer rights than legitimate children. Moreover, fathers had no legal obligation to pay child support. (Martinez, 2010, 69)



With the end of the oil boom and world economic crisis in the early 1980s; the devaluation of the Bolivar began to increase extreme poverty in the country. This was the catalyst to the 1989 IMF imposed Structural Readjustment Program that caused chaos in the country. Due to large increases in basic food, gasoline, and transportation costs, the people of Venezuela began looting and rioting in the streets. By 1989, economic hardship forced women to fight for issues on employment, income, food, and subsidies that men were also rallying around. (Rakowski, 2003, 394) By 1990, women were organizing next to men around the creation of a stable democracy for the entire country. “Poverty rates have been closely connected to economic cycles. The total poverty headcount ratio has risen from an estimated 33 per cent in 1975 to 53 per cent in 1988, 64 per cent in 1990 and a peak of 70 per cent in 1995. Later it decreased to 53 per cent in 1997, 41 per cent in 2000 and 39 per cent in 2001.” 

By 1998, when Hugo Chavez was elected President, women were united and ready for change after coming out of the 1989 disaster and neoliberal presidency of Perez. In 1999, through feminist intervention and pressure, Chavez’s new constitutional convention created prohibitions against gender discrimination through the use of gender-inclusive language in the constitution. In 2000, INAMUJER (National Women’s Institute) was created with members of the 22,000 small, state supported women’s groups throughout the country. These groups have been participating in the Missions receiving health care, education, and micro finance opportunities.



In 2003, women organized again across political lines in an effort to protest against the removal of Articles 3 and 39 from the 1998 Law against Violence against Women and the Family. However, the Supreme Court denied their measures. (Rakowski, 2010, 265) Here women were mobilizing against the state and for their human rights. In 2006, the anti-violence law was passed in which rape became a crime and domestic violence courts were created. (Rakowski, 2010, 266) In 2007, the state created a new Domestic Violence law. The world economic crisis that hit in 2008 did not leave Venezuela unaffected. The decline in oil income caused the state to make massive budget cuts particularly in social welfare programs causing people from the middle and lower classes to object. (Rakowski, 2010, 267)

Today, women have duties and opportunities in the Venezuelan Armed Forces. “Carmen Melendez, first Admiral of Venezuela, said on Sunday that the full inclusion of Venezuelan women in the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB) has been achieved during Hugo Chavez’s presidential rule.”  This change in women’s role is in part due to the state taking on new forms of speech when engaging the debate around socialism to include women as a key element. “Socialists must be feminists or they won’t be complete human beings. With the support of our women we must strengthen unity in Venezuela... We have to take firm steps towards...the total emancipation of gender and be more just with our women…there is no socialism without feminism.” –Hugo Chavez quote excerpts. (Pearson, 1) Chavez is the first President in Venezuelan history to say publicly that he is a feminist and that feminism is part of socialism. Here Chavez’s rhetoric is creating many outcomes. First, that women and their empowerment are crucial to the success of the socialist state. Second, that women can, and are, allowed to move outside the traditional role and into the military, economic, and political sectors.


Some women believe the increased relationship between the state and women’s mobilizing is indeed problematic. Institutional strengthening is not the route most helpful in creating change, instead grassroots and community building keep the power within the hands of the people. (Martinez, 2010, 89) I argue that historically women’s ability to mobilize with or against the state has been largely affected by class and the economy. While there is still much to be done in the name of women’s equality in Venezuela, history has shown that leadership within the women’s movement has organically grown from the bottom up and will continue with or without the support of the government.

Sources: Friedman, E. (2009). Gender, Sexuality and the Latin American Left: testing the transformation. Third World Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 2, pp 415-433. Friedman, E. (1998). Paradoxes of Gendered Political Opportunity in the Venezuelan Transition to Democracy. Latin American Research Review, vol. 33, 3. Rakowski, C. A. (2003). Women's Coalitions as a Strategy at the Intersection of Economic and Political Change in Venezuela. International Journal Of Politics, Culture & Society, 16(3), 387. Martinez, Carlos. (2010). Venezuela Speaks! Voices from the Grassroots. PM Press. Rakowski, Cathy and Gioconda, Espina. (2010). Women’s Struggles for Rights in Venezuela: Opportunities and Challenges. Women’s Activism in Latin America and the Caribbean: Engendering Social Justice, Democratizing Citizenship. Elizabeth Maier. Pearson, Tamara. (2012). Chavez’s Inconsistent Feminism. Venezuela Analysis website: http://venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/6743

Monday, October 8, 2012

Chavez no se va!



To no surprise, Chavez wins the Presidential elections held yesterday October 7th. Capriles (the opposition candidate) won 44% of the people’s votes and Chavez won 54% of their votes, making this election a close race in a polarized country with majority of the population participating. His next six year term will begin on January 10, 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-19867445

Chavez voters and Mision Ribas Workers

What does this mean for Venezuela?

More oil investment to fund the Bolivarian Revolution’s goals for continued social programs, more housing construction to eliminate the poor living conditions and large amounts of barrios, continued development in agriculture to end the country’s reliance on import goods, and restructuring of the police force to stop the rampant crime rates. This also means more state controlled development and less privatization. 

Does this create a dependency model for the country that would otherwise be at the mercy of foreign capitalists?

I argue that Chavez’s social welfare programs have empowered people; 1.5 million people are now literate17% of Parliament seats are held by women (same percentage as the United States); 75% of the population has used free health facilities. Chavez has plans for the next six years to continue to have these growth numbers increase while adding new missions. My hope is that Chavez will use this next term to not only assist the marginalized populations with state programs but to change the national discourse surrounding political differences. Considering almost half the voters are ready for a leadership change, I think its important for Chavez to groom a new leader within the PSUV party to take over and continue the Bolivarian path when his six year term is up. Power for too long in concentrated hands can be dangerous, and by that time it will be necessary to find a new voice that can reach all the people and unite them as one country determined to continue growing.

Chavez Billboard in Caracas
"From the people and for the people"

Monday, October 1, 2012

Madres Del Barrio (Mothers of the Slum)


     Under President Hugo Chavez, women have been mobilized to engage in his ‘participatory’ democracy while advocating for the Bolivarian Revolution. “Chavez has added a third discourse for women: ‘the country needs revolutionary mothers to advance social change.’ This discourse both honors and reinforces women’s traditional roles as self-sacrificing mothers and wives…” (Rakowski, 2008, 18) The leadership of current President and possible re-elect, Hugo Chavez, has defined the social and political background in Venezuela for the past thirteen years. Under his administration he has created the 1999 Constitution with various changes directly affecting those that have been marginalized over the past decades. Venezuela presents itself as a leading country in Latin America, determined to create a new socialist region. Yet, how does Chavez’s twenty first century socialism (social equality) empower a large part of the population, women?




    In 1999, through feminist intervention and pressure, Chavez’s new constitutional convention created prohibitions against gender discrimination through the use of gender-inclusive language in the constitution. In 2000, INAMUJER (National Women’s Institute) was created with members of the 22,000 small, state supported women’s groups throughout the country. Ellner (2007, 151) argues that the 1999 Constitution has opened new possibilities for social organizations to interact with the state and thus provide a participatory democracy for Venezuelans. Rakowski (2008) states that the core group of feminists has succeeded in working together, supporting and sustaining five specific actions for the government to take in regards to feminist ratifications. Of those five, one was the Social Security Act and Article 88 of the Constitution which states: “Create a new Social Services Act that would enable the payment of monetary allowance to homemakers (based on the minimum wage).”(Rakowski, 2008, 23)

Article 88 of the Constitution states:
“The state guarantees the equality and equitable treatment of men and women in the exercise of the right to work. The state recognizes work at home as an economic activity that creates added value and produces social welfare and health. Housewives are entitled to Social Security in accordance with the law.” (VIO, 2008, http://womenandcuba.org/Documents/viowomen.pdf)

    Following the 1999 Constitution came Chavez’s social welfare missions targeted at helping the poor out of poverty. Chavez’s first program focused on health care for people living in barrios outside the largest cities. With the help of Cuban doctors, and the recently turned state owned oil industry the social programs were deemed to be successful. Quickly thereafter more programs were created to include adult literacy, higher education scholarships/cash transfers, identification card access, the building of cheap stores in poor neighborhoods, women’s business training, and women’s housework payments. A majority of participants in these programs are women as are a majority of the workers and volunteers that facilitate these programs in the communities.

    Once women are accepted into the program via an extensive multi-step application process, they receive 80% of the regular minimum wage which is about 1,780 Bsf/mo= 1,424 Bsf/mo.=$331 USD at the 4.3 legal currency exchange rate for 1-2 years. During this 1 to 2 year program the participants have to attend job training, be part of a community committee, and start a cooperative with other women. They are not allowed to have their own business and by the end of the program they need to present their coop project in order to get approved for a loan.

    Questions remain however, as how effective and dependent these social missions are, especially a conditional cash transfer program like Madres Del Barrio? Also, what is the relationship between the development programs put in place under Chavez and women’s ability to mobilize? Since this program is specifically targeted at women, how does it change the relationship between women and the state? In this program, women are extremely dependent on state funds and training. How have such programs and Article 88 of the 1999 Constitution influenced the feminist movement?


Read more on the program at http://www.minmujer.gob.ve/madresdelbarrio/

Sources:
Rakowski, C. A., & Espina, G. (2008). The Gendered Nature of Venezuelan Populism. Conference Papers - American Sociological Association, 1.
Ellner, S., & Tinker Salas, M. (2007). Venezuela : Hugo Chávez and the decline of an "exceptional democracy" / edited by Steve Ellner and Miguel Tinker Salas. Lanham, Md. : Rowman & Littlefield Pub., c2007.